Policymakers and academics are increasingly interested in “nudges,” such as information provision,
reminders, social comparisons, default options, and commitment contracts, which can affect be-
havior without changing prices or choice sets. Nudges are being used to encourage a variety of
privately-beneficial and socially-beneficial behaviors, such as healthy eating, exercise, organ dona-
tion, charitable giving, retirement savings, hand washing, and environmental conservation. The
US, British, and Australian governments have set up “nudge units” to infuse these ideas into the
policy process.
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A growing list of academic papers evaluate nudge-style interventions in various
domains.
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With only a few exceptions discussed below, nudges are typically evaluated based on the mag-
nitude of behavior change or on cost effectiveness. When a nudge significantly increases a positive
behavior at low cost, policymakers often advocate that it be broadly adopted. A full social welfare
evaluation could produce different policy prescriptions, however, because people being nudged often
experience two types of benefits and/or costs that typical evaluations do not consider. First, nudge
recipients often incur costs in order to change behavior. For example, people who quit smoking save
money on cigarettes but give up any enjoyment from smoking, and healthy eating might mean pay-
ing more for vegetables and giving up tasty desserts.
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Second, the nudge itself may directly impose
positive or negative utility. For example, seeing cigarette warning labels with graphic images of
smoking-related diseases can be unpleasant, and body weight report cards could make children feel
guilty or shameful. Building on Caplin (2003) and Loewenstein and O’Donoghue (2006), Glaeser
(2006) argues that many nudges are essentially emotional taxes that reduce utility but do not raise
revenues.
This paper presents a social welfare evaluation of Home Energy Reports (HERs), one-page let-
ters that compare a household’s energy use to that of its neighbors and provide energy conservation
tips. While HERs are just one case study, they are one of the most prominent and frequently-
studied nudges. Opower, the leading HER provider, now works with 95 utility companies in nine
countries, sending HERs regularly to 15 million households. There has been significant academic
interest in HERs, including seminal studies by Schultz et al. (2007) and Nolan et al. (2008) and
many follow-on evaluations of social comparisons and other “behavior-based” energy conservation
interventions.
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There are also a plethora of industry studies and regulatory evaluations of such
1
In September 2015, the US “nudge unit,” the Social and Behavioral Sciences Team, released results from 15
experiments, and President Obama signed an executive order that directs federal agencies to use behavioral insights
when they “may yield substantial improvements in social welfare and program outcomes” (EOP 2015).
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One indicator of academic interest is that the book Nudge (Thaler and Sunstein 2008) has been cited more than
5000 times.
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Of course, if the policymaker has correctly designated a “good” behavior to nudge people toward, this typically
means that the behavior change generates net benefits for the individual. However, the magnitude of these net
benefits would ideally be calculated and weighed against a nudge’s other costs and benefits.
4
Academic papers on energy use social comparison reports include Kantola, Syme, and Campbell (1984), Allcott
(2011, 2015), Ayres, Raseman, and Shih (2013), Costa and Kahn (2013), Dolan and Metcalfe (2013), Allcott and
Rogers (2014), and Sudarshan (2014). Delmas, Fischlein, and Asensio (2013) review 156 published field trials studying
social comparisons and other informational interventions to induce energy conservation.
2